Iván Márquez and Colombia's pursuit of lasting peace
Beyond the man who abandoned peace
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Before we begin, I'd like to clarify that these lines are not intended to glorify the figure of Iván Márquez, but rather to analyze him as a relevant figure to understand the complexities of peace and armed conflict in Colombia. With that said, let's get into the subject.
The recent death of Iván Márquez, former leader and negotiator of the FARC and founder of the "Segunda Marquetalia," should trigger certain reflections on the peace process and armed conflict in Colombia. Márquez will likely be remembered as one of those who abandoned the peace process, but his passing leaves important aspects to analyze regarding the progress and challenges of peace in Colombia.
Iván Márquez and his history in the FARC
Iván Márquez, whose real name was Luciano Marín Arango, was born on June 16, 1955, in Florencia, Caquetá, Colombia. He began his political career in the Colombian Communist Youth (Juventud Comunista Colombiana, JUCO) and later joined the FARC as a supplier in rural areas. However, his prominence grew through his involvement in the Patriotic Union (Union Patriótica, UP), a political party created during the peace process in the 1980s and allowed him to become one of the "main emissaries" of the FARC in that negotiation. However, the persecution of UP members led him to join the ranks of the FARC in 1987.
Márquez showed both military and political skills and was recognized for his leadership and ability to mobilize troops on the battlefield. As he rose through the ranks of the FARC, he became a respected and recognized figure among guerrilla members. During the 1990s, he assumed leadership of the Caribbean Bloc, controlling strategic areas in the Serranía del Perijá, La Guajira, and Cesar.
Within the FARC, Márquez represented a more radical faction, advocating for an uncompromising stance in peace negotiations and conditioning the disarmament on the fulfilment of demands by the government.
Iván Márquez and the peace process in Colombia
Despite his guerrilla background, Márquez was present in several negotiation moments with the Colombian government. During the 1980s, he was one of the FARC members who participated in the UP, where he was elected as a Representative to the House for the Department of Caquetá. However, he returned to the guerrilla ranks after the extermination suffered by this political party at the hands of paramilitary and right-wing forces. This gives us a starting point to understand the complex relationship between Márquez and peace in Colombia.
He also played a prominent role in the peace talks in Caracas and Tlaxcala during the government of César Gaviria, representing the FARC as a negotiator. His experience in the peace process led him to be appointed as the chief negotiator for the FARC in the historic peace negotiations in Havana, Cuba, in 2012. These negotiations marked a milestone in Colombian history, as they led to the signing of the peace agreements in 2016, effectively ending the FARC after over five decades.
Márquez played a crucial role in the negotiations, advocating for the interests of the FARC and defending their demands on issues such as agrarian reform, political participation, and transitional justice. His leadership and diplomatic skills were recognized by both his fellow guerrillas and government negotiators. However, the peace process was not without difficulties and controversies. Márquez's involvement in the negotiations was overshadowed by the Santrich case, a FARC member accused of drug trafficking whose extradition to the United States generated tensions and divisions among former FARC members and ultimately led to their rearmament.
The Santrich case: the greatest challenge to peace
The Santrich case became a critical point in the peace process and in Márquez's relationship with the FARC. Jesús Santrich, a well-known FARC leader and ally of Márquez, was arrested in 2018 on charges of drug trafficking, which created irreconcilable divisions within the group of ex-guerrillas. While Márquez and other leaders believed in Santrich's innocence and demanded his release, arguing that it was a setup; other members, led by former FARC high commander Rodrigo Londoño (Timochenko), believed that regardless of innocence or not, those who failed to abide by the law after the signing of the peace agreement should face the consequences.
Santrich's arrest and the resulting tensions led Márquez to make the decision to abandon the peace process. He took refuge in the Miravalle rural zone, along with another guerrilla leader known as "El Paisa," and chose not to take his seat in Congress—which was granted to him by the Peace Agreement—and went into hiding. Márquez's departure and that of other significant leaders further weakened the unity and cohesion of the nascent political party1 founded by the ex-combatants after the signing of the Agreement.
The Santrich case still produces controversy and confusion. Since 2019, there have been discrepancies between the Special Jurisdiction for Peace tribunal (Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz, JEP) and the Prosecutor's Office regarding the validity of the evidence presented by the U.S. justice for Santrich's extradition. More recently, the JEP has denounced that the Prosecutor's Office concealed information and manipulated evidence in the case, raising further doubts about the legality of the process2. Information that has been supported by the Truth Commission in one of the annexes of its final report.
Iván Márquez and the Segunda Marquetalia
In August 2019, Iván Márquez announced through a video posted on YouTube his return to armed struggle and the creation of the "Segunda Marquetalia"3. Márquez sought to reestablish the FARC and resume the armed struggle. In this sense, as expressed in a book published by this dissident group, he presented the Second Marquetalia as an emulation of the origin of the FARC in 1964, stating that this group was founded in the municipality of El Pato in July 2019. Thus, Márquez considered the Segunda Marquetalia as the rebirth of the revolutionary struggle, affirming that laying down arms was "a huge mistake."
However, Márquez's intention to reestablish the FARC did not unfold as expected. During the first half of 2019, Márquez attempted to form alliances with other dissident leaders, aided by other FARC commanders who chose not to join the Peace Process (i.e. those who never even laid down their arms), such as alias "John 40," former commander of the 43rd Front. But his efforts to unify the dissident factions and resume armed struggle were unsuccessful, and the Second Marquetalia faced opposition from other FARC splinter groups, such as the First Front led by alias "Gentil Duarte", who refused to accept Márquez's leadership and declared war on the Segunda Marquetalia.
As a result of these conflicts, several leaders of the Segunda Marquetalia have died, including Santrich, El Paisa, and Romaña, who were prominent commanders of the former guerrilla. Now, Ivan Marquez's death raises concerns about the transition of leadership within the armed groups and the objectives held by the FARC dissidents in the face of a new peace process.
In the context of Total Peace
The figure of Iván Márquez poses important questions and challenges in the context of the armed conflict and peace in Colombia. His trajectory in the FARC, his role in the peace process, and his subsequent return to arms highlight the complexities and obstacles that the country has faced in its pursuit of lasting peace.
Iván Márquez's figure in the history of the armed conflict and peace in Colombia is complex and controversial. His leadership and participation in peace negotiations marked significant milestones, but his subsequent return to arms and the creation of the Seguda Marquetalia generated divisions and raised questions about the future of peace in the country.
The distrust of armed groups towards the state, hidden interests in perpetuating the war, and the obstacles in the demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants are some of the challenges that emerge from Márquez's history and the search for peace in Colombia. The Santrich case, depending on its resolution (i.e. whether it was a setup or not), could categorize the Segunda Marquetalia and its members as a guerrilla group rather than deserters from the peace process, which would simplify and facilitate the negotiation process within the current legal framework.
Ultimately, the death of Iván Márquez leaves many questions open regarding the impact of his figure on peace in Colombia and the possible negotiations that the Colombian government can engage in within the framework of the Total Peace policy it promotes. Will the political-ideological base of the Segunda Marquetalia be gone? What consequences will his disappearance have on the peace process and the dynamics of the armed conflict? These questions invite us to reflect on the persistent challenges and lessons learned on the path to total peace in Colombia.
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Revolutionary Alternative Force of the Common (Fuerza Alternativa Revolucionaria del Común, FARC). Yeap, the name maintained the acronym of the former guerrilla group.
In this regard, María Jiménez Duzán clearly addresses the complaint of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) in her podcast.
Marquetalia refers to the municipality where the FARC was originally founded in the mid-1960s.F